plot
这篇影评可能有剧透
In June 1972, a security guard (Frank Wills, playing himself) at the Watergate complex finds a door kept unlocked with tape. The police arrest burglars in the Democratic National Committee headquarters within the complex. The Washington Post assigns new reporter Bob Woodward to the unimportant story.
Woodward learns that the five men—four Cuban-Americans from Miami and James W. McCord, Jr.—had bugging equipment and have their own "country club" attorney. McCord identifies himself in court as having recently left the Central Intelligence Agency, and the others also have CIA ties. The reporter connects the burglars to E. Howard Hunt, formerly of the CIA, and President Richard Nixon's Special Counsel Charles Colson.
Carl Bernstein, also assigned to the story, and Woodward are reluctant partners but work well together. Executive editor Ben Bradlee (Jason Robards) believes their work is incomplete, however, and not worthy of the Post's front page. He encourages them to continue to gather information.
Woodward contacts "Deep Throat", a senior government official and anonymous source he has used before. Communicating through copies of the Times and a balcony flowerpot, they meet in a parking garage. Deep Throat speaks in riddles and metaphors, but advises Woodward to "follow the money".
Woodward and Bernstein connect the burglars to thousands of dollars in diverted campaign contributions to Nixon's Committee to Re-elect the President (CRP, pejoratively pronounced 'creep'). Bradlee and others at the Post dislike the two young reporters' reliance on unnamed sources like Deep Throat, and wonder why the Nixon administration would break the law when the President is likely to defeat Democratic nominee George McGovern.
Through former CREEP treasurer Hugh W. Sloan, Jr., Woodward and Bernstein connect a slush fund of hundreds of thousands of dollars to White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman—"the second most important man in this country"—and former Nixon Attorney General John N. Mitchell, now head of CREEP. They learn that CREEP used the fund to begin a "ratfucking" campaign to sabotage Democratic presidential candidates a year before the Watergate burglary, when Nixon was behind Edmund Muskie in the polls.
Bradlee's demand for thoroughness forces the reporters to obtain other sources to confirm the Haldeman connection. When the White House issues a non-denial denial of the Post's above-the-fold story, the editor thus continues to support them. Deep Throat claims that the cover-up was not to hide the burglaries but "covert operations" involving "the entire U.S. intelligence community", and warns that Woodward, Bernstein, and others' lives are in danger. Bradlee urges the reporters to continue despite the risk and Nixon's re-election. A montage of Watergate-related teletype headlines from the following years is shown, ending with Nixon's resignation and the inauguration of Gerald Ford on August 9, 1974.
Woodward learns that the five men—four Cuban-Americans from Miami and James W. McCord, Jr.—had bugging equipment and have their own "country club" attorney. McCord identifies himself in court as having recently left the Central Intelligence Agency, and the others also have CIA ties. The reporter connects the burglars to E. Howard Hunt, formerly of the CIA, and President Richard Nixon's Special Counsel Charles Colson.
Carl Bernstein, also assigned to the story, and Woodward are reluctant partners but work well together. Executive editor Ben Bradlee (Jason Robards) believes their work is incomplete, however, and not worthy of the Post's front page. He encourages them to continue to gather information.
Woodward contacts "Deep Throat", a senior government official and anonymous source he has used before. Communicating through copies of the Times and a balcony flowerpot, they meet in a parking garage. Deep Throat speaks in riddles and metaphors, but advises Woodward to "follow the money".
Woodward and Bernstein connect the burglars to thousands of dollars in diverted campaign contributions to Nixon's Committee to Re-elect the President (CRP, pejoratively pronounced 'creep'). Bradlee and others at the Post dislike the two young reporters' reliance on unnamed sources like Deep Throat, and wonder why the Nixon administration would break the law when the President is likely to defeat Democratic nominee George McGovern.
Through former CREEP treasurer Hugh W. Sloan, Jr., Woodward and Bernstein connect a slush fund of hundreds of thousands of dollars to White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman—"the second most important man in this country"—and former Nixon Attorney General John N. Mitchell, now head of CREEP. They learn that CREEP used the fund to begin a "ratfucking" campaign to sabotage Democratic presidential candidates a year before the Watergate burglary, when Nixon was behind Edmund Muskie in the polls.
Bradlee's demand for thoroughness forces the reporters to obtain other sources to confirm the Haldeman connection. When the White House issues a non-denial denial of the Post's above-the-fold story, the editor thus continues to support them. Deep Throat claims that the cover-up was not to hide the burglaries but "covert operations" involving "the entire U.S. intelligence community", and warns that Woodward, Bernstein, and others' lives are in danger. Bradlee urges the reporters to continue despite the risk and Nixon's re-election. A montage of Watergate-related teletype headlines from the following years is shown, ending with Nixon's resignation and the inauguration of Gerald Ford on August 9, 1974.
