RFK生平 与 On the Mindless Menace of Violence <转>
罗伯特·弗朗西斯·肯尼迪（Robert Francis "Bobby" Kennedy，1925年11月20日－1968年6月6日），通常被称作罗伯·肯尼迪（Robert Kennedy）、巴比·肯尼迪（Bobby Kennedy），也常以他的英文缩写RFK称呼他。第35任美国总统约翰·肯尼迪的弟弟，1948年以优异的成绩自哈佛大学毕业，并于同年进入维吉尼亚大学法学院，1951毕业，并于同年考取麻州律师执照。在约翰·肯尼迪总统任内担任美国司法部长，直到肯尼迪总统被刺杀身亡，他仍在继任的林登·约翰逊总统任内留任至1964年。1965年他当选美国纽约州参议员，旋即宣布投入1968年美国总统选举民主党党内初选。1968年6月5日，他在民主党加州党内初选结束后，在洛杉矶国宾饭店举行记者会，在会后离场时遭一名阿拉伯裔的回教激进主义者瑟罕·瑟罕枪击重伤，一天之后伤重死亡。
暗杀前
1968年的今天，罗伯特·肯尼迪被击中两枪，当场死亡。“暗杀从不曾改变过历史的进程，”罗伯特·肯尼迪在他哥哥死于达拉斯后曾经说过，但这话并不确实。他哥哥的死，以及他本人的死，都改变了历史的进程。他在印度安纳州预选中击败了尤金·麦卡锡，得票比数是42％对27％；在内布拉斯加州比数则是51％对31％。在1968年6月4日（星期二）他死的那天，他在汉弗莱的故乡南达科他州击败了汉弗莱；并在最大的加利福尼亚州预选中击败了麦卡锡。那一天，肯尼迪同他10个孩子中的6个和妻子艾塞尔（正怀着第11个孩子）一起在洛杉矶附近的海滩上消磨了一个早晨。随后在城里大使饭店的第512号套缚，收听选举消息。夜半时候，他乘电梯下到他自己设在饭店使馆厅里的总部去，同欢欣鼓舞的自动前来帮忙的人谈了一会儿话。末了，他说：“我谢谢诸位，下一步是到芝加哥去，咱们在那里取胜吧。”朋友和他最接近的随从们都学着他的腔调说：“下一步是到‘工厂’去。”这是一家热闹的夜总会，他们打算和他一起去欢庆胜利的地方。但是，他还得先到记者室去说几句话。
过程
从讲台到使馆厅大门人挤得水泄不通，因此有个参加晚会的人建议他们从后面通道出去。肯尼迪的保镖、前联邦调查局特工人员比尔·巴里表示反对，他不赞成这个主意。但是，参议员说：“没有棍系。”于是他们迈步走进一条闷热的、有气味的走廊。肯尼迪停下来同一位17岁的餐厅小服务员杰塞斯·佩雷握手，回答了一个有关汉弗莱的问题：“这要追溯到那次斗争，因为……”他再不能说完这句话。帕萨迪纳地方的一个记者看到有一只手臂和一 支手枪从一群旁观者中间伸了出来。刺客是把右手肘部支在柜台上，向肯尼迪开枪的，距离只有4英尺远。他把装在塌鼻子艾弗·约翰逊式左轮枪里的八颗子弹全射出来以后，肯尼迪的朋友，奥林匹克冠军雷夫·约翰逊才把他手里的枪打掉。艾塞尔跪在他身旁。鲍勃要喝水。他随后问道：“大家都平安吗？”那个服务员给了他蚧个十字架，鲍勃用手指捏住念珠，艾塞尔祷告。这时，体重三百磅的洛杉矶橄榄球公羊队前锋罗斯福·格里尔抱住了那个瘦小的、黑发的刺客。“你为什么干这个？”有个人对他吼道。刺客尖叫着：“我有理由，让我说明理由！”加利福尼亚州民主党领袖杰西·昂鲁高声问他：“为什么杀他？为什么杀他！”行刺的歹徒回答说：“我是为了我的国家才这样干的。”这话听起来很荒谬，但接着慢慢弄清了真相。从他那精神不正常的想法看来，他确实相信自己是出于爱国。
On the Mindless Menace of Violence
City Club of Cleveland, Cleveland, Ohio
April 5, 1968
This is a time of shame and sorrow. It is not a day for politics. I have saved this one opportunity, my only event of today, to speak briefly to you about the mindless menace of violence in America which again stains our land and every one of our lives.
It is not the concern of any one race. The victims of the violence are black and white, rich and poor, young and old, famous and unknown. They are, most important of all, human beings whom other human beings loved and needed. No one - no matter where he lives or what he does - can be certain who will suffer from some senseless act of bloodshed. And yet it goes on and on and on in this country of ours.
Why? What has violence ever accomplished? What has it ever created? No martyr's cause has ever been stilled by an assassin's bullet.
No wrongs have ever been righted by riots and civil disorders. A sniper is only a coward, not a hero; and an uncontrolled, uncontrollable mob is only the voice of madness, not the voice of reason.
Whenever any American's life is taken by another American unnecessarily - whether it is done in the name of the law or in the defiance of the law, by one man or a gang, in cold blood or in passion, in an attack of violence or in response to violence - whenever we tear at the fabric of the life which another man has painfully and clumsily woven for himself and his children, the whole nation is degraded.
"Among free men," said Abraham Lincoln, "there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet; and those who take such appeal are sure to lose their cause and pay the costs."
Yet we seemingly tolerate a rising level of violence that ignores our common humanity and our claims to civilization alike. We calmly accept newspaper reports of civilian slaughter in far-off lands. We glorify killing on movie and television screens and call it entertainment. We make it easy for men of all shades of sanity to acquire whatever weapons and ammunition they desire.
Too often we honor swagger and bluster and wielders of force; too often we excuse those who are willing to build their own lives on the shattered dreams of others. Some Americans who preach non-violenceabroad fail to practice it here at home. Some who accuse others of inciting riots have by their own conduct invited them.
Some look for scapegoats, others look for conspiracies, but this much is clear: violence breeds violence, repression brings retaliation, and only a cleansing of our whole society can remove this sickness from our soul.
For there is another kind of violence, slower but just as deadly destructive as the shot or the bomb in the night. This is the violence of institutions; indifference and inaction and slow decay. This is the violence that afflicts the poor, that poisons relations between men because their skin has different colors. This is the slow destruction of a child by hunger, and schools without books and homes without heat in the winter.
This is the breaking of a man's spirit by denying him the chance to stand as a father and as a man among other men. And this too afflicts us all.
I have not come here to propose a set of specific remedies nor is there a single set. For a broad and adequate outline we know what must be done. When you teach a man to hate and fear his brother, when you teach that he is a lesser man because of his color or his beliefs or the policies he pursues, when you teach that those who differ from you threaten your freedom or your job or your family, then you also learn to confront others not as fellow citizens but as enemies, to be met not with cooperation but with conquest; to be subjugated and mastered.
We learn, at the last, to look at our brothers as aliens, men with whom we share a city, but not a community; men bound to us in common dwelling, but not in common effort. We learn to share only a common fear, only a common desire to retreat from each other, only a common impulse to meet disagreement with force. For all this, there are no final answers.
Yet we know what we must do. It is to achieve true justice among our fellow citizens. The question is not what programs we should seek to enact. The question is whether we can find in our own midst and in our own hearts that leadership of humane purpose that will recognize the terrible truths of our existence.
We must admit the vanity of our false distinctions among men and learn to find our own advancement in the search for the advancement of others. We must admit in ourselves that our own children's future cannot be built on the misfortunes of others. We must recognize that this short life can neither be ennobled or enriched by hatred or revenge.
Our lives on this planet are too short and the work to be done too great to let this spirit flourish any longer in our land. Of course we cannot vanquish it with a program, nor with a resolution.
But we can perhaps remember, if only for a time, that those who live with us are our brothers, that they share with us the same short moment of life; that they seek, as do we, nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and in happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can.
Surely, this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely, we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men, and surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our own hearts brothers and countrymen once again.
暗杀前
1968年的今天，罗伯特·肯尼迪被击中两枪，当场死亡。“暗杀从不曾改变过历史的进程，”罗伯特·肯尼迪在他哥哥死于达拉斯后曾经说过，但这话并不确实。他哥哥的死，以及他本人的死，都改变了历史的进程。他在印度安纳州预选中击败了尤金·麦卡锡，得票比数是42％对27％；在内布拉斯加州比数则是51％对31％。在1968年6月4日（星期二）他死的那天，他在汉弗莱的故乡南达科他州击败了汉弗莱；并在最大的加利福尼亚州预选中击败了麦卡锡。那一天，肯尼迪同他10个孩子中的6个和妻子艾塞尔（正怀着第11个孩子）一起在洛杉矶附近的海滩上消磨了一个早晨。随后在城里大使饭店的第512号套缚，收听选举消息。夜半时候，他乘电梯下到他自己设在饭店使馆厅里的总部去，同欢欣鼓舞的自动前来帮忙的人谈了一会儿话。末了，他说：“我谢谢诸位，下一步是到芝加哥去，咱们在那里取胜吧。”朋友和他最接近的随从们都学着他的腔调说：“下一步是到‘工厂’去。”这是一家热闹的夜总会，他们打算和他一起去欢庆胜利的地方。但是，他还得先到记者室去说几句话。
过程
从讲台到使馆厅大门人挤得水泄不通，因此有个参加晚会的人建议他们从后面通道出去。肯尼迪的保镖、前联邦调查局特工人员比尔·巴里表示反对，他不赞成这个主意。但是，参议员说：“没有棍系。”于是他们迈步走进一条闷热的、有气味的走廊。肯尼迪停下来同一位17岁的餐厅小服务员杰塞斯·佩雷握手，回答了一个有关汉弗莱的问题：“这要追溯到那次斗争，因为……”他再不能说完这句话。帕萨迪纳地方的一个记者看到有一只手臂和一 支手枪从一群旁观者中间伸了出来。刺客是把右手肘部支在柜台上，向肯尼迪开枪的，距离只有4英尺远。他把装在塌鼻子艾弗·约翰逊式左轮枪里的八颗子弹全射出来以后，肯尼迪的朋友，奥林匹克冠军雷夫·约翰逊才把他手里的枪打掉。艾塞尔跪在他身旁。鲍勃要喝水。他随后问道：“大家都平安吗？”那个服务员给了他蚧个十字架，鲍勃用手指捏住念珠，艾塞尔祷告。这时，体重三百磅的洛杉矶橄榄球公羊队前锋罗斯福·格里尔抱住了那个瘦小的、黑发的刺客。“你为什么干这个？”有个人对他吼道。刺客尖叫着：“我有理由，让我说明理由！”加利福尼亚州民主党领袖杰西·昂鲁高声问他：“为什么杀他？为什么杀他！”行刺的歹徒回答说：“我是为了我的国家才这样干的。”这话听起来很荒谬，但接着慢慢弄清了真相。从他那精神不正常的想法看来，他确实相信自己是出于爱国。
On the Mindless Menace of Violence
City Club of Cleveland, Cleveland, Ohio
April 5, 1968
This is a time of shame and sorrow. It is not a day for politics. I have saved this one opportunity, my only event of today, to speak briefly to you about the mindless menace of violence in America which again stains our land and every one of our lives.
It is not the concern of any one race. The victims of the violence are black and white, rich and poor, young and old, famous and unknown. They are, most important of all, human beings whom other human beings loved and needed. No one - no matter where he lives or what he does - can be certain who will suffer from some senseless act of bloodshed. And yet it goes on and on and on in this country of ours.
Why? What has violence ever accomplished? What has it ever created? No martyr's cause has ever been stilled by an assassin's bullet.
No wrongs have ever been righted by riots and civil disorders. A sniper is only a coward, not a hero; and an uncontrolled, uncontrollable mob is only the voice of madness, not the voice of reason.
Whenever any American's life is taken by another American unnecessarily - whether it is done in the name of the law or in the defiance of the law, by one man or a gang, in cold blood or in passion, in an attack of violence or in response to violence - whenever we tear at the fabric of the life which another man has painfully and clumsily woven for himself and his children, the whole nation is degraded.
"Among free men," said Abraham Lincoln, "there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet; and those who take such appeal are sure to lose their cause and pay the costs."
Yet we seemingly tolerate a rising level of violence that ignores our common humanity and our claims to civilization alike. We calmly accept newspaper reports of civilian slaughter in far-off lands. We glorify killing on movie and television screens and call it entertainment. We make it easy for men of all shades of sanity to acquire whatever weapons and ammunition they desire.
Too often we honor swagger and bluster and wielders of force; too often we excuse those who are willing to build their own lives on the shattered dreams of others. Some Americans who preach non-violenceabroad fail to practice it here at home. Some who accuse others of inciting riots have by their own conduct invited them.
Some look for scapegoats, others look for conspiracies, but this much is clear: violence breeds violence, repression brings retaliation, and only a cleansing of our whole society can remove this sickness from our soul.
For there is another kind of violence, slower but just as deadly destructive as the shot or the bomb in the night. This is the violence of institutions; indifference and inaction and slow decay. This is the violence that afflicts the poor, that poisons relations between men because their skin has different colors. This is the slow destruction of a child by hunger, and schools without books and homes without heat in the winter.
This is the breaking of a man's spirit by denying him the chance to stand as a father and as a man among other men. And this too afflicts us all.
I have not come here to propose a set of specific remedies nor is there a single set. For a broad and adequate outline we know what must be done. When you teach a man to hate and fear his brother, when you teach that he is a lesser man because of his color or his beliefs or the policies he pursues, when you teach that those who differ from you threaten your freedom or your job or your family, then you also learn to confront others not as fellow citizens but as enemies, to be met not with cooperation but with conquest; to be subjugated and mastered.
We learn, at the last, to look at our brothers as aliens, men with whom we share a city, but not a community; men bound to us in common dwelling, but not in common effort. We learn to share only a common fear, only a common desire to retreat from each other, only a common impulse to meet disagreement with force. For all this, there are no final answers.
Yet we know what we must do. It is to achieve true justice among our fellow citizens. The question is not what programs we should seek to enact. The question is whether we can find in our own midst and in our own hearts that leadership of humane purpose that will recognize the terrible truths of our existence.
We must admit the vanity of our false distinctions among men and learn to find our own advancement in the search for the advancement of others. We must admit in ourselves that our own children's future cannot be built on the misfortunes of others. We must recognize that this short life can neither be ennobled or enriched by hatred or revenge.
Our lives on this planet are too short and the work to be done too great to let this spirit flourish any longer in our land. Of course we cannot vanquish it with a program, nor with a resolution.
But we can perhaps remember, if only for a time, that those who live with us are our brothers, that they share with us the same short moment of life; that they seek, as do we, nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and in happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can.
Surely, this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely, we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men, and surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our own hearts brothers and countrymen once again.
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